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              <text>In this project, I will outline existing literature and research on teaching genocide denial in the  education system. I will introduce both research and recommendations supporting this as well  as, on top of referencing some objections to it, observe differences in approaches to teaching  genocide denial. I will identify some proposed subjects in which scholars, organisations and the  UK [HM] Government have identified for teaching genocide denial, drawing also on research on  teaching misinformation and media literacy. Finally, I will also note proposed methods of  teaching about misinformation and genocide denial. </text>
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              <text>genocide denial , genocide , philosophy , ethics</text>
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                <text>A Review of Literature on Teaching Genocide Denial</text>
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                <text>Teaching genocide denial</text>
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                <text>8th October 2026</text>
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                <text>David Bather Woods</text>
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              <text>This paper explores the politics that came to characterise urban governance in early nineteenth-century Cardiff and investigates how the Marquesses of Bute consolidated their near-absolute influence over, and control of, the local corporation. Centring on the industrious second Marquess, this study asks not simply how the noblemen exercised his aristocratic privileges, but also how they understood and presented their authority in the burgeoning town. Celebrated as the ‘Creator of Cardiff’ by his contemporaries, existing historiography has steadfastly attributed this epithet to the second Marquess and analysed the town’s truly unparalleled economic development. This has left the methods of how the aristocrat exercised his authority over his Glamorgan estate with comparatively little scholarly attention. Thwarting the election of his rivals, manipulating tenancy agreements, and casting himself as both father to his poorer tenants and patron of the Welsh language, the Marquess held his Glamorgan estate in his absolute power. Drawing on borough records, newspaper articles, and private correspondence, this study argues that Bute continued to assert and re-assert his authority to such an extent that neither the Reform Act in 1832 nor the Municipal Corporations Act in 1835 could interrupt his lordship over Cardiff with any real significance. Yet this ability to manipulate urban governance also exposes the archaic structure of the Cardiff Corporation, which left the political body arthritic, and this paper advances that this institutional weakness permitted the borough to become a Scottish thraldom.</text>
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              <text> Bute, Cardiff, Urban History, Aristocracy, Reform, Identity, Politics, Governance</text>
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                <text>A ‘Scottish Thraldom’: The Marquesses of Bute and the Politics of Aristocratic Power in Early Nineteenth-Century Cardiff</text>
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                <text>1794-1848</text>
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                <text>Colm O'Malley</text>
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              <text>I will explore how the Spanish-American War was not only represented in the public consciousness of 1898 but also its legacy in our own times. However, to understand the story of the war is also to understand key characters historically associated with it so I will briefly outline our main cast here. William Randolph Hearst, a newspaper magnate who cried so loud for the war that the sheepish ears of Washington had no choice but to listen, even if they were both fervently crying of a Spanish wolf. In Washington, William McKinley, the sitting President had inherited a tense foreign climate: the Spanish Wolf had been prowling around Cuba since 1895. Intensified Spanish intervention in its Cuban colony not only undermined the newly incumbent President but also a historic doctrine maintained since the Presidency of fifth U.S. President, a Founding Father, James Monroe. The 1823 Monroe Doctrine inscribed a new American promise to protect independent surrounding Southern American countries from European colonisation. So, how did President McKinley square this foundational doctrine of diplomacy with the domestic pressures calling for not only American interventionism but then also for expansionism?</text>
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              <text>#America #History #War #Film #Spain #Cuba #Maine #McKinley #Hearst #Yellow #Journalism </text>
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                <text>Projecting a Story: Remembering the Maine in Early American Cinema and Other Media During the Spanish-American War</text>
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                <text>Early Film and the Spanish American War </text>
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                <text>1898</text>
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                <text>Luis Carroll</text>
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              <text>This research project explores a clinical trial assessing the safety and efficacy of a hybrid closed-loop insulin delivery system in children aged 2 to 6 years with type 1 diabetes (Wadwa et al., 2023). The primary aim was to estimate the effect of closed-loop control on 13-week HbA1c and investigate the robustness of this estimate to covariate adjustment, missing-data handling and Bayesian modelling. The analysis began with a complete-case comparison, followed by adjusted regression models, different frequentist methods of imputation and Bayesian approaches. The results consistently favoured closed-loop control over standard care, with adjusted treatment-effect estimates ranging from approximately 0.36 to 0.44 percentage points across the frequentist analyses. The Bayesian results were broadly consistent with these findings. A further exploratory aim was to model 26-week HbA1c outcomes during the trial's extension period using Bayesian longitudinal models. However, these results were associated with greater uncertainty, particularly because participants originally assigned to standard care switched to closed-loop treatment after 13 weeks. Overall, the findings provide reasonably consistent evidence that closed-loop control reduced 13-week HbA1c compared with standard care, while conclusions about the 26-week treatment effect remain more uncertain.</text>
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              <text>Artificial Pancreas, Type 1 Diabetes, Paediatrics, Clinical Trial, Clinical Trial Data, Biostatistics, Clinical Trial Analysis, Longitudinal Data Analysis, Statistical Modelling, Data Analysis, Digital Health, R Project, R Programming, RStudio, Bayesian Statistics, Frequentist Statistics, Mixed-Effects Models, Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC)</text>
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                <text>Assessing Treatment Efficacy in Diabetes Clinical Trials</text>
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                <text>A Paediatric Diabetes Clinical Trial</text>
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                <text>Lily Antell</text>
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              <text>Thirty-five years after German reunification, the five eastern Länder voted in a manner unmatched by any western state. This dissertation argues that two causes operate in sequence rather than in competition. The transformation of the 1990s left a region that converged on western income levels until roughly 2019, then stopped, and that remains owned, headquartered, and administered from elsewhere. Forty-five years of separation determined the political form of grievance, producing a population that’s far more secular, ethnically homogeneous, and less attached to the churches, unions, and organizations that absorb similar grievances in the West. Using state-level and constituency-level data from the 2025 Bundestagswahl alongside aggregate series from 1980, the dissertation shows that district income strongly predicts AfD support in the east (r = −0.80, R2 = 0.64, n = 60) and only weakly in the west, while it barely predicts the combined Die Linke and BSW vote anywhere (r = −0.28 at state level). Two cultural correlations that appear to support a simple cultural thesis are shown to be more complex: irreligion reverses sign between subsamples, and migrant share cannot be cleanly separated from income. The conclusion is that authoritarian-leaning parties aren’t a single phenomenon, and that the AfD vote, in particular, tracks the accumulated economic position of a place rather than its current labour market.</text>
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              <text>German Politics</text>
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                <text>Revolution im Osten? The Political Economy of AfD Support in East Germany</text>
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                <text>1990-2026</text>
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                <text>Keiran Roberts</text>
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              <text>Endometriosis </text>
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                <text>Racial and ethnic disparities across the diagnostic pathway for individuals with suspected or confirmed endometriosis: A scoping review</text>
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                <text>Endometriosis </text>
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                <text>09/10/2026</text>
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                <text>Reema Ali and Rania Abdel Rahman</text>
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              <text>Racial and ethnic disparities across the diagnostic pathway for individuals with suspected or confirmed endometriosis: A scoping review Abstract Background: Endometriosis is associated with substantial diagnostic delay, and emerging evidence suggests that racial and ethnic disparities may influence progression through the diagnostic pathway. However, the extent and distribution of these disparities remain unclear. Objective: To chart the current evidence on racial and ethnic disparities across the diagnostic pathway for individuals with endometriosis and ascertain gaps in the current literature. Methods: A scoping review was conducted under the influence of the Joanna Briggs Institute methodological guidance. The Population, Concept and Context framework was used to develop the eligibility criteria. Studies examining racial or ethnic differences in endometriosis diagnosis, specialist referral or diagnostic investigation were included. Data were obtained on study characteristics, populations, racial and ethnic groups, healthcare settings and stages of the diagnostic pathway. Results: Three studies met the inclusion criteria, comprising one systematic review and meta-analysis and two retrospective cohort studies. All studies were conducted in the United States. Racial and ethnic differences were identified at multiple stages of the diagnostic pathway. Black women had lower odds of receiving a self-reported or surgically confirmed diagnosis compared with White women, while Black and Asian adolescents were less likely to undergo diagnostic laparoscopy. White women also had higher referral rates to pelvic pain specialists than Black, Asian and Hispanic women. However, substantial variation existed between studies in population characteristics, definitions of race and ethnicity, and stages of the diagnostic pathway examined. Conclusion: The existing evidence suggests that racial and ethnic disparities could occur at multiple stages of the endometriosis diagnostic pathway. Yet, the limited number of studies and their focus on US healthcare settings restrict the generalisability of these findings. Further research is needed, particularly within the UK and internationally, to determine whether similar disparities exist and to investigate the factors underlying these differences.</text>
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              <text>Endometriosis, Gynaecology, Pelvic pain.</text>
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                <text>Racial and ethnic disparities across the diagnostic pathway for individuals with suspected or confirmed endometriosis: A scoping review.</text>
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                <text>Endometriosis</text>
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                <text>Reema Ali and Rania Abdel Rahman</text>
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              <text>On 1 July 2025 Vietnam abolished the district tier of its local government, merged its 63 provinces into 34 and its 10,035 communes into 3,321, and replaced 63 provincial e-service portals with a single national portal. This paper asks how citizens' experience of dealing with local government changed in the first months after the reform, and who bore the cost of the transition. Because the reform applied everywhere and the 2025 round of PAPI is not yet available, the paper compares PAPI 2024 with a 2026 telephone survey drawn from PAPI's own respondent lists, under eight explicit comparison rules, and draws on a 2025 review of the e-service portals and the government's SIPAS 2025 survey. Use of the national portal rose from 13.8% to 21.8% of respondents, although part of the rise may be former users of the closed provincial portals moving across. Satisfaction with administrative procedures fell, most of all for land-use certificates, which moved from the districts to the communes, and the share of applicants who had to visit several offices roughly tripled for ordinary commune procedures. Older, poorer and rural citizens are far less likely to use the portal, and so depend most on an in-person route that became more fragmented after the reform. Official counts of online applications can overstate citizens' own use, because in some places officials have been applying and paying on citizens' behalf.</text>
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              <text>Economics, Public policy </text>
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                <text>Fewer offices, one portal: citizens' experience of Vietnam's 2025 local government reform in its first months</text>
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                <text>Public policy and government reform</text>
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                <text>August to October 2026</text>
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                <text>Sebastian Smith</text>
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        <src>https://linen-dog.lnx.warwick.ac.uk/files/original/258e198f9008c48af39bf45b8a164794.pdf</src>
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      <name>Academic Poster</name>
      <description>An academic poster</description>
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                <text>Taylor-Couette Bioreactor Modelling&#13;
for Alternative Protein Production</text>
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          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>Taylor-Couette Bioreactor Modelling for Alternative Protein Production</text>
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          <name>Abstract</name>
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              <text>Generative AI is usually presented as an autonomous, clean technology whose costs lie in how we consume it or in its energy use. This paper will argue that it is neither autonomous nor green, but an extractive socio-technical system mapped on historical capitalist and colonial foundations, best understood and presented as digital coloniality. Drawing on court records, the Fairwork assessment of Sama, a GDPR reverse-audit conducted with African data workers and peer-reviewed scholarship, this paper will examine how algorithmic management, precarity and psychological harm discipline workers and why participation in AI supply chains, is not equivalent to development. This paper will show workers contesting this system through litigation and data access requests but finds that these tools expose its foundations without dismantling them. It will conclude that said harm must be confronted before it becomes visible. </text>
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              <text>artificial intelligence, digital coloniality, data colonialism, data workers, content moderation, Kenya, Nigeria, Meta, Sama, GDPR, algorithmic management, outsourcing, labour rights, technological exceptionalism, global supply chains, Global South, Capitalism, </text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Who Pays for Your Prompt?  AI, Digital Coloniality and the Workers Who Contest It</text>
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          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>AI, digital coloniality and data workers’ labour rights: how generative AI depends on outsourced, low-paid data work in Kenya and Nigeria, and how workers contest it through litigation (Motaung v. Meta/Sama) and a GDPR reverse-audit.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>October 2026</text>
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          <element elementId="37">
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                <text>Mary-Rose Deyanov (author); supervised by Mouzayian Khalil.</text>
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          </element>
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    </elementSetContainer>
  </item>
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